Divine Right to Rule: Divine Legitimization in Pagan and Christian Rome
Megan Brewer
Though much of the power of the Roman Empire was decentralized from Rome by the time of the Christian Emperors, the very notion of what it meant to be Roman was called into question by the emergence of Christianity. Through the writings of Lactantius and Eusebius, as well as later secondary sources, it is evident that the rise of Christianity produced monumental change, particularly in the Eastern part of the Empire. Christianity’s monotheistic and egalitarian nature made it both deeply appealing to many Romans, and, at the same time, irreconcilable with the Roman polytheistic tradition. Though the emergence of Christianity caused changes in Roman religion and identity, the way Roman emperors used divine legitimacy as a means to power remained the same.
Since Rome’s existence as a Republic, religion and politics were deeply intertwined, with divine support acting as “an unalienable part of political supremacy.”1 From the moment that he took on the role of Pontifex Maximus, Julius Caesar set a precedent in which the most politically powerful man in Rome would also hold the highest religious office. Indeed, in the Republic and the early Empire, the gods were consulted when there was an important military decision to be made and were thanked with sacrifices when the outcome was favorable. The Pontifex Maximus, and thus the most politically powerful man in Rome, presided over these ceremonies. Romans even looked to omens from the gods in their everyday lives, with Caesar famously ignoring the bad omens of his death and attending the senate meeting on the Ides of March. In his reform of the Roman state, Augustus continued this relationship of religion and government. In his rise to power, “Augustus linked his power to divine support”2 by restoring former priesthoods and fixing ruined temples, something he discusses at length in his Res Gestae. Augustus states, “I restored many traditions of the ancestors, which were falling into disuse in our age”3 and “I built the temple of Mars Ultor on private ground and the forum of Augustus from war spoils.”4 Augustus also held the role of Pontifex Maximus while emperor, as did his most immediate successors, Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero, assuring that “the link between pontifex maximus and emperor was undeniable.”5
Less than one-hundred-fifty years later, pockets of Christianity began to emerge in Roman territory. This new religion that focused on life after death and taught that worldly wealth was irrelevant spread rapidly among lower-class freedmen, slaves, and women. Whereas in the past Romans were able to introduce foreign deities into their Pantheon, the monotheistic nature of Christianity made such a move impossible. The rapid territorial expansion of the Empire exacerbated the problem of Christianity in the provinces, as the act of Romanization (taking on Roman religion and customs) was usually only undertaken by the upper class. Pliny the Younger’s letters to the emperor Trajan from around 111 CE show the beginnings of this problem, particularly in the Eastern provinces. Pliny wrote to Trajan asking for advice on how to conduct trials for the accused Christians, and what a fitting punishment would be for them. He also informed Trajan of the universal nature of the faith, saying, “there are many of all ages, every rank, and both sexes.”6 In response, Trajan assured Pliny that he had carried out the appropriate procedures, as “no general rule can be laid down which would establish a definite routine.”7 However, as Christianity expanded across the empire, the persecution of Christians would become much more severe.
By the reign of Diocletian around 170 years later, Christianity was much more pervasive across the empire. The empire itself was also much more widespread causing Diocletian to form the Tetrarchy, splitting the empire into four regions and having four co-rulers. These new regional rulers would have absolute power over their region, often very far from Rome. Many leaders of the Tetrarchy were from outlying provinces and were unfamiliar with the city of Rome itself. Lactantius illustrates such a moment, when he says of Galerius, “having never seen Rome, he imagined it to be little superior in size to those cities with which he was acquainted.”8 At this time, the western half of the empire now paled in comparison to the provinces in the East in terms of wealth, and the urbanized trade centers of the East made a ripe breeding ground for the spread of Christianity. As a result, Christians became more visible in society and Christian authors, such as Lactantius, began to emerge.
However, the visibility of Christians in society, particularly in Diocletian’s territory of the East, provided him with an opportunity to present them as a common enemy of the Roman people as well as cement his power, as Christians, who were of any race, gender, or class, were at odds with the official state religion. Diocletian and his co-rulers, Constantius, Maximian, and Galerius, enacted the Great Persecution in 303 CE, stripping legal rights from Christians and forcing them to comply with traditional Roman legal practices. The Great Persecution lasted until 313 CE, when Constantine signed the Edict of Milan, making Christianity legal again.
Constantine was one of the emperors who were from the outlying provinces. This positionality, coupled with his penchant for religious tolerance, set him apart from his predecessors. This religious tolerance caused him, along with his co-ruler Licinius, to issue the Edict of Milan, changing the religious makeup of the Roman Empire forever. Constantine’s tolerance set him apart from not only previous emperors but also others of the time. This separation is particularly evident in the literary record since many of our surviving sources from this point on are written by Christian authors. Lactantius, for instance, does not mince his words when it comes to Constantine’s predecessors. When relating the story of Maxentius’s defeat, he writes, “like another Tarquin the Proud, he was driven from Rome,”9 comparing him to one of Rome’s most hated figures and institutions. He refers to Galerius as a “pernicious wild beast”10 and details his grisly death. However, he takes a much more forgiving tone when discussing Constantine, describing him as having “steady courage and a mind prepared for every event,”11 a good leader who has God behind him. Constantine soon gained the power of Rome after defeating Maxentius at Milvian Bridge, where he was aided by visions from God.
Constantine also has the distinction of being the first widely believed Christian emperor. Constantine was content to be both Christian and emperor, but on his own terms, he used religion to justify his military exploits. Whereas Constantine’s use of violence in the name of God would have troubled many early Christians, who valued remaining passive and viewed martyrdom as a high honor (such as in the cases of St. Perpetua and St. Felicity), his Christian supporters did not object to his violence. This is evident from the writings of Eusebius, where Constantine is portrayed as an emperor who works to further the Christian cause and does all things with the support of God. Constantine was a key figure at the Council of Nicaea, fulfilling his role as Pontifex Maximus, where Eusebius described his entrance as “he proceeded through the assembly like some heavenly messenger of God.”12 A large part of Eusebius’s work also focuses on Constantine’s efforts to construct churches at many of Christianity’s holiest sites in Jerusalem. He devotes nine chapters to Constantine’s quest to build the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, detailing how Constantine first destroyed the pagan temple built on the site and demanded “both stone and timber (from the pagan temple), should be removed and thrown as far from the spot as possible.”13 Constantine took great care in his construction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, writing to the bishop Macarius, “I have no greater care than how I may best adorn that sacred spot.”14 Constantine’s mother, Helena, a practicing Christian, also contributed to the construction of churches in Bethlehem and at the Mount of Olives. Eusebius describes Helena as the “pious mother of a pious emperor”15 and devotes several chapters to her good works. In Eusebius’s account, Constantine continues his Christian work by purging idolatry from Constantinople, and razing other pagan temples in the east, doing all these things in “his constant aim to glorify his savior God.”16 However, the question as to whether Constantine was actually Christian still remains. The account that he was baptized on his deathbed is only attested to by Christian authors, and this baptism was possibly performed by a priest of a contested sect. Constantine continued to visit Pagan temples, never made Christianity the official state religion, or started a mass persecution effort against Pagans. Writings from Christian authors such as Eusebius are the only source material that remains from Constantine’s reign, writings that attest to Constantine as a Christian. Despite the uncertainty surrounding Constantine’s religion, the support he displayed for the Christians changed the Empire.
Regardless if they were Pagan or Christian, Roman emperors used the divine to cement their power. Since the time of Augustus, Pagan emperors would construct temples for the gods and take on the role of Pontifex Maximus to show their quasi-divine status. Constantine continued this tradition, presiding over the Council of Nicaea in the role of Pontifex Maximus and constructing churches on Christian holy sites. Both sets of emperors also attributed their military victories to the goodwill of divine beings, with early emperors sacrificing to the gods before battle, and later emperors following what had been told to them in visions. Though Christianity was vastly different from the traditional Roman religion, Christian emperors continued to exercise and cement their power through divine legitimization.
Notes
1. Olivier Hekster, “Ruling through Religion? Innovation and Tradition in Roman Imperial Representation.” In The Early Reception and Appropriation of the Apostle Peter (60-800 CE), ed. Roald Dijikstra (Brill, 2020), 26.
2. Hekster, “Ruling Through Religion? Innovation and Tradition in Roman Imperial Representation,” 31.
3. Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae, trans. Thomas Bushnell, BSG (Rome, 14 CE), 2.
4. Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae, 4.
5. Hekster, “Ruling Through Religion? Innovation and Tradition in Roman Imperial Representation,” 31.
6. Pliny the Younger, Complete Letters, trans. P.G. Walsh, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 279.
7. Pliny the Younger, Complete Letters, 279.
8. Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, trans. Lord Hailes (Merchantville: Evolution Publishing, 2021), 49.
9. Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 51.
10. Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 45.
11. Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, 75.
12. Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine (Merchantville: Evolution Publishing, 2009), 110.
13. Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine, 124.
14. Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine, 126.
15. Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine, 132.
16. Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine, 139.
Bibliography
Caesar Augustus, Res Gestae, trans. Thomas Bushnell, BSG: Rome, 14 CE.
Eusebius, The Life of the Blessed Emperor Constantine: Merchantville: Evolution Publishing, 2009.
Hekster, Olivier, “Ruling through Religion? Innovation and Tradition in Roman Imperial Representation.” In The Early Reception and Appropriation of the Apostle Peter (60-800 CE), ed. Roald Dijikstra: Brill, 2020.
Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors, trans. Lord Hailes. Merchantville: Evolution Publishing, 2021.
Pliny the Younger, Complete Letters, trans. P.G. Walsh: New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.
Megan Brewer is a sophomore at Saint Anselm College with a double major in Classical Archaeology and History, with a passion for social and cultural history. After graduation, she intends to pursue a Ph.D. in either Anthropological or Classical Archaeology and hopes to teach at the college level. In her free time, she likes to read and go fishing with her brothers. Megan is honored and excited to be featured in this edition of humanitas and to be on the editorial staff.